A New Floor, Not a New Architecture
The International Labour Organization made history this week by adopting its first global standards for gig workers, establishing baseline protections on pay, safety, and social benefits for ride-hailing and food delivery workers worldwide (ILO, 2025). The coverage has focused predictably on labor rights: minimum wages, accident insurance, the right to organize. These are meaningful gains. But the framing misses a more fundamental structural problem that the new standards do not touch. The ILO has set a floor for what platforms must provide. It has said nothing about what platforms systematically fail to transfer to the workers operating on them.
What the Standards Cannot Reach
Gig platforms are not just employment arrangements. They are algorithmically-mediated coordination environments where worker outcomes depend heavily on competencies that the platform itself does not teach and the ILO standards do not require. Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin (2020) document how algorithmic management systems create asymmetric information environments where workers are evaluated continuously by systems whose logic remains opaque to the people being evaluated. The new ILO standards address the output of this arrangement - compensation and safety - without touching its epistemic structure. A gig worker who now earns a guaranteed minimum wage still faces the same variance puzzle: two workers with identical access to the platform will produce dramatically different outcomes, and neither the platform nor the new regulatory framework explains why.
The Awareness-Capability Gap in Regulated Gig Work
Schor et al. (2020) identify dependence and precarity as structural features of platform labor, not accidental byproducts. Workers are dependent not just on income flows but on algorithmic decisions about visibility, task allocation, and ratings that determine whether a worker thrives or barely survives within the platform's economy. The ILO standards address the precarity dimension by introducing income floors and safety requirements. They do not address the dependence dimension, which is rooted in what I would call an awareness-capability gap. Research on algorithmic literacy consistently finds that workers develop folk theories about how algorithms work - individual impressions built from pattern recognition and peer conversation - but these folk theories do not reliably translate into improved platform performance (Gagrain, Naab, and Grub, 2024). A ride-hailing driver who knows, abstractly, that acceptance rates affect algorithmic assignment is not the same as a driver who understands the structural relationship between acceptance rates, geographic positioning, and surge timing well enough to act on it systematically.
Regulation Without Schema Induction
The deeper problem is that the ILO standards, however important for worker welfare, treat the gig worker as a passive recipient of platform conditions rather than as an active participant in an algorithmically-mediated environment who requires genuine coordination competence to succeed. Hatano and Inagaki (1986) distinguish between routine expertise, which consists of procedures that work under stable conditions, and adaptive expertise, which consists of principles that transfer when conditions change. Platform algorithms change. Surge pricing logic shifts. Acceptance rate thresholds move. A worker trained in last quarter's specific procedures is not equipped for this quarter's algorithmic environment. What would actually address worker precarity in a structural sense is schema induction - training that targets the underlying architecture of how platform algorithms coordinate behavior, not just the surface procedures for any given platform configuration.
What the ILO Vote Should Prompt
The ILO vote is a real advance and I do not want to minimize it. But it prompts a question that organizational theory is better positioned to ask than labor law: what does a worker actually need to navigate a platform economy effectively, beyond a wage floor and safety protections? Rahman (2021) describes the invisible cage problem: workers are governed by algorithmic constraints they cannot see, audit, or contest. The new standards create some external levers for contesting outcomes after the fact. They do not give workers the structural understanding to navigate constraints in real time. Hancock, Naaman, and Levy (2020) argue that AI-mediated communication environments fundamentally alter the epistemic conditions under which participants make decisions. A regulatory framework that treats those environments as if they were simply unusual employment relationships will produce, at best, a better-compensated version of the same competence gap that drives outcome variance across the gig labor force in the first place.
The ILO has built a floor. The structural problem underneath that floor remains unaddressed, and it is not a problem that wage standards alone will solve.
References
Gagrain, A., Naab, T., and Grub, J. (2024). Algorithmic media use and algorithm literacy. New Media and Society.
Hancock, J. T., Naaman, M., and Levy, K. (2020). AI-mediated communication: Definition, research agenda, and ethical considerations. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 25(1), 89-100.
Hatano, G., and Inagaki, K. (1986). Two courses of expertise. In H. Stevenson, H. Azuma, and K. Hakuta (Eds.), Child development and education in Japan (pp. 262-272). Freeman.
Kellogg, K. C., Valentine, M. A., and Christin, A. (2020). Algorithms at work: The new contested terrain of control. Academy of Management Annals, 14(1), 366-410.
Rahman, H. A. (2021). The invisible cage: Workers' reactivity to opaque algorithmic evaluations. Administrative Science Quarterly, 66(4), 945-988.
Schor, J. B., Attwood-Charles, W., Cansoy, M., Ladegaard, I., and Wengronowitz, R. (2020). Dependence and precarity in the platform economy. Theory and Society, 49(5-6), 833-861.
Roger Hunt